Monday, December 24, 2007; Posted: 09:44 AM
He holds an LL.B degree from the Haile-Selassie I University (AAU), an LL.M from University of Leeds, England, and a Ph.D. from the University of Amsterdam. He also holds several post-graduate diplomas from The Hague Academy of International Law and International Relations, the Institute of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, and in International Development Studies, University of Oslo, Norway. He also undertook extensive research at the International Bureau of Fiscal Documentation (IBFD) on foreign investment, international business, national and international taxation and technology transfer issues for development for no less than 10 years. After that he became a senior research fellow lecturer at the Department of International Communication, University of Amsterdam. He has also been for some years a guest lecturer at MA Program in International Development lecturing on EU-ACP relations, NEPAD, and the Politics and Political Economy of Oil and Mineral Resources, University of Amsterdam. In addition, he has in the past organized four major international conferences on the Changing Roles of Ambassadors in the 21st Century and in the Era of Globalization in Amsterdam, The Hague and Brussels, where no less than 80 Ambassadors and members of the diplomatic world and professors participated. He has published many articles on many of his core competences and interests related to the above issues. He is now an Executive Consultant with Development Services International (DSI).
Outside his profession, he has been actively and selflessly involved as a human rights and political activist for no les than 30 years in the Eritrean and Ethio-Eritrean politics and in raising and promoting awareness on the need to have peace and reconciliation, freedom, respect for human rights and the rule of law, democracy and development in the Horn of Africa and the rest of Africa in particular and other developing countries in general. Dr. Fisseha-Tsion has been trying to create viable, credible and strong Eritrean opposition parties that can challenge the incumbent Eritrean government. A few months ago, he organized a Second Eritrean International Conference in Amsterdam, trying to reconcile differences vis-a-vis the two groups of Eritrean Democratic Movement (EDM). He founded the Hadish-Tesfa Movement. He talked to Yemane Nagish of The Reporter on the current general situation of Ethio-Eritrean conflict and Eritrean opposition groups.
Could you brief us on your political life?
I have been very active for more than 35 years of my life in trying to build peace, stability and a sense of brotherhood between the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea. So, I can say that I have spent half of my life basically trying to build bridges of understanding whereby the two brotherly peoples can live together in peace and prosperity. I'm basically known to have been involved in this issue for more than 35 years of my life.
You were a classmate of Isayas Afewerki at high school. How do you describe the behavior of Isayas during his youth?
My memories in that period were that Isayas was not the sort of trouble-maker as he is now. But, in other aspects, the very people who were my schoolmates actually wanted to become the leaders of two organizations, one headed by Isayas (EPLF) and another one by Mister Seyum Iqubamikeal, who died nearly two years ago. Now he is replaced by Mister Weldetensea Amar (ELF-RC). But I had a different approach.
What makes you different?
Basically, I know my roots, my history. I was not driven by emotion. I know where my family came from. We are deeply Eritrean by origin and, at the same time, having the same family root with the present day people of Tigray and having links with the rest of Ethiopia. This means that when some joined in the sense of liberation, they really honestly felt this. And I must confess that at that moment I always believed that the peoples of Eritrea, particularly the highland Eritreans, are inseparable from the people of Tigray. These people are culturally, economically, historically, politically and/or by any criteria one. Therefore, I felt that creating an artificial border between the two brotherly peoples was unnecessary. If there were problems I felt they could be solved by peaceful means. I didn't say there was a need for bloodshed that had taken a generation. We can't keep on causing blooshed on to Eritreans and Ethiopians. At that moment my line was different. When some joined EPLF and others ELF, I always rightly or wrongly, I must admit, felt that we have a common future. And, therefore, there was no need to join these secessionist political parties. I was more interested in reason. I was more interested in trying to alleviate poverty. We've a common problem: both the peoples of Eritreans and Ethiopians. These are the unacceptable state of abject poverty, under-development and destitution. I want to reverse it. And I really felt that the only way this can be achieved is by bringing our minds together. The bigger we are the better. That was what I felt then. I have a different policy and a different vision that has been the case ever since. Of course, I must also admit that my view was a minority up to 1991, the day of Eritrean independence.
What have Eritreans benefited from independence?
For me independence is not only having a flag, waving a flag. It means satisfying the basic needs of the people. Not only the basic ones but also higher needs focusing on solving our poverty and overcoming technological under-development. And, you know, I want to see Black Power in Africa with dignity. That is crucial for me. Therefore, if we are bitterly divided among ourselves, then there is no way such a vision can be realized. I have lost two brothers and more than twenty of my relatives in the war. This is only from a single family; many other families in Eritrea have lost many. The question is what Eritreans have gained from such a bloody war over 30 years. To me nothing, just destruction, psychological trauma and broken families. We become like the scattered Jewish people all over the world. I believe that this is a crime against humanity. These people who have wrought this misery upon our people have committed a crime against them as I understand it.
How was the dictatorial behavior of Isayas during the 30 years of the liberation struggle?
Isayas and I met at high school at Prince Mekonen Secondary School. Isayas had not come from decent family. If people do not have proper upbringing from early childhood, they are bound to be brutal at the end. As far as I am concerned, Isayas has been a dictator since Eritrea won its independent. But many people did not realize this. I remember that when we were in the university there were friends of mine who went to the field and were liquidated by Isayas. We had realized, individuals like myself, that he had a dictatorial tendency. What I feared then has now come true. He has been a dictator since Eritrea won the war. But many people didn't realize it. They may be deceived by lots of propaganda. But the fact remains that many Eritreans through innocence or ignorance have struggled and debated on the side that turned out to be one of the most brutal dictators in the world. After years of struggle, Eritreans have gained nothing. It was a total loss and tragedy. This has its own roots. There are controversies here that are, I think, partly true. Issays and some of his gangsters have Tigrian origin. So why are they against the people of Tigray and the people of Ethiopia? They should have been trying to build bridges between the two peoples. And yet, they have been destroying the types of bridge people like myself try to build. So, to me, individuals like Isayas are evil people. They should have been imprisoned. But as you know, in the third world, armed people assume power. This is the tragedy that we are witnessing.
What do you think about Isayas's stooges?
I believe that aside from dictators, there are also dictator makers. Isayas is not alone; there are people who are supporting him. Therefore, Isayas alone is not to be blamed. There are others who makes him a proto-dictator. They are also responsible individually and collectively for the tragedy.
How do you describe the objective situations in Eritrea?
It is a total tragedy. There is no free press, independent judiciary and basic manifestations and pre-conditions for any democratic climate. Until now there have been a number of former G-13 who have been in prison incommunicado. Those are the people who have fought with him. You can see the event of helplessness, hopelessness, frustration and disillusionment. In a way, it was a total tragedy that we have to overcome. At present, no brother trusts his brother; no husband trusts his wife; and no soldier trusts another soldier. So it is like the communist regime that we have observed in Romania and Albania prior to 1999. This is also one of the most brutal regimes. It's a shame for Africa. It is a shame for the people of Eritrea who have scarified so much but have got nothing or very little. And this should not be repeated. So, there is a need for a change of regime as soon as possible in return. The Eritreans cannot endure so much suffering, so much bloodshed and politics of hatred. This requires the need for a united, credible and effective opposition. Unfortunately, many Eritreans are divided, including civil societies, political and human rights organizations. There is a need to bring our minds together to bring about change of regime, and to establish a government that Eritreans want, a government that is responsible and accountable to the Eritrean people first, a democratic government that takes care of his own people. What we have now is basically much worse than the Mafia.
What do you think is the problem with the Eritrean opposition groups? They are fragmented and they are not strong enough to challenge the dictatorial group?
There are underlying causes for this. First, although people do not want to admit, there is a mistrust and lack of confidence between the various groups and leaders who have been involved with the "Shabias" (EPLF) and the "Jebhas" (ELF). As you know, many of the former "Jebha" leaders and groups had been divided and fragmented. Many critics say they are multiplying like rats and amoeba. People are really wondering why this is so. It is a very unfortunate phenomenon. But I don't want to blame anybody; we rather need to address the issue.
The issue is that many of the leaders are more abscessed with power than to put the interest of the people first. Then, there is no reason why they should not be united. They have a common enemy and, therefore, it's absolutely essential that we will bring our minds together to fight one common enemy. But in practice, this is not the case. Because some are interested in their own power, some have their own egos, and some have a claim to lead. Many are talking about democratic organizations.
But, in reality, my experience is that we are very intolerant of others. We don't allow differences of views or opinions. And, therefore, there is very little room for accommodating differences of opinion among Eritrean leaders and organizations. Let me give you one example. For the last 35 years, I have advocated some degree of a new form of federation or a confederal arrangement between the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia. This is because so much blood has been shed. But I had been seen as an enemy because of simply having a different view. This is undemocratic and unfair. So there is a tremendous degree of intolerance.
Another thing is that many Eritreans, particularly the leaders, do not respect one another. If you do not respect one another, you cannot get together, make a decision and then abide by the rules you have already made.
Last year, conferences were held here in Addis to bring all the opposition groups together. What happend then? Who is to be blamed?
As you know, it is now over nine years since Eritrea's National Alliance was founded. Then here at the Addis conference, it was an attempt to transform itself into the Eritrean Democratic Alliance. But what have the opposition done during these past nine years? Nothing or little, except for multiplying like rats. Is this in the interest of the Eritrean people? No. But who is to blamed? Partly the leaders, and partly the people. If they want to create a democratic organization and a democratic leadership, members have to put the right people in the right place. This would have resulted in creating good leaders. As you know, these umbrella organizations had consisted of 16, organizations that keep on dividing.
Did you make an attempt to reconcile the differences between EDA and others?
Last year at the Amsterdam conference, we had tried to bring together those people within the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) and those outside the parameter of the Alliance. So we tried to build a bridge between the EDA and those outside it. What happened was that some of the leaders failed in this for reasons which are not understand. They always think they are big, better stronger and wiser. But the result, at the end of the day, was unsuccessful.
Then we have a movement called Hadush-Tesfa Network. Now, we have transformed this network into Hadush-Tesfa Movement. What we want to do is to get off from this Shaebia vs Jebha division. We want to have new vision in the new millennium. And we want to use the youth as a bridge. We want to have a practice of democracy, not talk of democracy. If we don't have a democratic tradition now then the very people will be undemocratic when they assume power. Therefore, the main objective of the Amsterdam conference was to create a discussion forum. It was a forum for democracy whereby people with different views, with different vision can meet under one roof to discus a common future for Eritrea. But then, as I said earlier, they boycotted it. We then created organization outside EDA. It was short-lived. This year we took another opportunity to bring the Eritrean civic society together. We had a very successful conference which never had a precedent. We organize for a purpose. Unfortunately, some leaders do not like to be surpassed, which I call in Tigrigna "Tehalilkhka mewdak" ("Tekolalfo Mewedek").
Why is that so?
They always want to undermine any person or organization that wants to the take the initiative. This is bad. I think if people are honest and have credibility, there is a lot of room for everybody to participate. If all want to be leaders, there is a problem. So, lack of tolerance, undemocratic behavior, obsession with power and lack of vision are some of the problems for the division of the Eritrean opposition.
Another point is that some of the opposition groups have different interests. Some of them might be supported in a hidden way by some Arab countries who do not want to see a united Eritrea. So what I would like to appeal to Eritreans is to get their minds in together and to promote Eritrean national interest and to create a peaceful country with peaceful relations with its neighbors and that is committed to peace and prosperity in the new century.
You told me that there is high violation of human rights and no democracy at all in Eritrea. But I don't see any tangible mass resistance from the people?
The people are extremely terrorized. You know the situation in Ethiopia under Mengistu H. Mariam and the now in North Korea. When brutal regimes come to power, they don't allow any one to have a breathing space. So, what I can say that is all Eritreans are languishing in prison. They have no right to talk, demonstrate, express their views and to exercise their religion. So, they are suffocated and the youth are running abroad through risky atmosphere. They run to Ethiopia, Sudan - Libya, Malta and other European states. Through this, many youths have perished. It is a tragedy to see this happening in post-liberation Eritrea. To me, liberation is not all about a flag. It is the right of the people to live in dignity, to satisfy their basic needs, to have a government of their own choice, and to be accountable to them.
All Eritreans have been denied this. It is the Red Terror that has made the people silent. But the only sort of group that can exercise rebellion are people in the army. But they are also divided, and are being kept divided because of the policy of the regime. There has never been a very viable attempt for a coup.
We are trying hard to create, to facilitate and to help the building of viable, credible, democratic and effective opposition to Isayas. We are working day and night to do so. That's, we have been organizing conferences. And we have to organize a conference in Ethiopia as well. We have broad civil societies; we have established a network with many Eritreans abroad and inside the country. I hope those who want change of regime will have a government that's accountable to the people. We will come to our senses and unite and fight this regime in whatever way possible.
How is Isayas a destabilizing factor in the Horn?
I had a chance to see part of the interviews given by Isayas. He was commenting about lack of democracy in the US, India and many other countries. But he didn't say anything about the reign of terror that is unleashed against our people here inside Eritrea and even outside. He is, individually or collectively, or as a state, as far as we are concerned, terrorizing all Eritreans. He has also been involved in other African countries' politics such as in Darfur, the revolt in Eastern Sudan and he has a very good connection with the government of South Sudan. And he has been actively arming, supporting, advising the Somalia rebels who were fighting against the TFG and Ethiopia. Anyway, he is a curse not only to the Eritrean people but also to peace and stability in the Horn Region.
What do you think is the interest and intention of Isayas for being such a destabilizing factor in the region?
Isayas has been trying to be a regional power in the Horn of Africa. He has done everything in his power to destabilize the Ethiopian government. There is no stone that has not been turned to create instability and to destabilize the Ethiopian government. He has been supporting not only Islamic groups in Somalia but also many other Ethiopian robel groups like the OLF, ONLF, AFD and many others. He has been a destabilizing factor ever since. He never wants to see a strong, united and prosperous Ethiopia. In a way, he was waging a proxy war for foreign powers in the past and he is also fermenting war both to be a regional power in the Horn of Africa, as well as to promote the interest of other countries.
But what surprises me most is that three months ago he had organized a very big conference of Somalia which was broadcast worldwide, which I think was an Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia. So there is an open declaration against the government and people of Ethiopia. This is very worrying because it goes against our fundamental principles of having a stable and peaceful Horn of Africa.
How do you evaluate the reaction of Ethiopia to Isayas?
This is also another worrying element. That is, while Isayas is doing anything to destabilize Ethiopia covertly and overtly the government of Ethiopia is not seen doing something visible in terms of trying to do something that would destabilize this brutal regime in Asmara. There is some frustrations among many Eritreans. They are asking the question: "Does the EPRDF government really want Isayas to go?" I want to make absolutely clear that we can't ignore the special relationship between the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea. We have a failed state in Somalia in the south and it is not in the interest of Ethiopia to have another failed state in the North. If there is a crisis in Eritrea, there would be an overflow of crisis to Ethiopia. This will affect Ethiopia. We know how the situation in Somalia is negatively affecting Ethiopia.
But the question is how the National Interest of Ethiopia and the Horn region are to be protected and promoted? Who should be the guardian of this interest? As far as we are concerned, if we want to have an elastic peace and prosperity in the region, it must start from the Ethio-Eritrean relationship. That is the base; that is the core. There are officials or other Ethiopians who think that the Eritrean problem is purely domestic in character. But I beg to differ. I would like to appeal to them that there is a need to rethink and reflect on this issue. The Eritrean problem is not only an Eritrean problem it is also an Ethiopia problem. It is also a problem for the future generation. We can't continue to live in a state of instability and chaos. We can't afford to have the politics of hatred. I think we must settle the problem once and for all. And we have to be prepared to take any risk.
Could you please comment on the current deteriorating relations between Eritrea and the U.S.?
Isayas has been barking like a mad dog. He has been attacking everybody except himself. This means that the guy has a psychological problem. He is behaving like a mad dog. When we look at Eritrean-American ties, Isayas was everything for building relations with the US. Many people believe that he had some CIA connections since then. In fact, the US was involved in supplying arms to and assisting Eritrea. But time has changed. Political friendship has changed. And, therefore, this guy, by his own mistake, has become a "pariah". He doesn't understand national, regional and international politics. His only obsession is with power and he will go anywhere to make friends who would support him. But he would be against any other government that wants to see a democratic Eritrea. In fact, the US has been too patient, too tolerant and abused by such a brutal dictator for far too long. And I appeal to the US government and its people to support truly democratic movements that can replace the dictator. As long as Isayas is in power, I don't see any peace and stability in Eritrea and in the region.
The US has gone as far as Iraq to promote democracy. The fact is that there are many ways to bring about a democratic state in Eritrea. So the border is an execuse. As far as I am concerned, Isayas and his footmen should be prosecuted under international court. To me, what Isayas has done constitutes a crime against humanity; it is a genocide. No person, no organization, no government that has a sense of humanity should appease this kind of brutal dictatorship.
Currently the tension along the border is rising high. Who do you think is responsible for the political deadlock?
First, our position is clear. Isayas has been instrumental in invading Ethiopia in 1998. He is responsible personally and is collectively accountable for the tragedy that has happened. This had been a needless war of brothers instigated by a mad person who is obsessed with power. Secondly, we have made it very clear in the past. Our policy is very clear, many people know it very well.
Basically, I don't believe that the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea should be held hostage for the border problem. We are living in a world of open borders. We are in an era of globalization where borders are less relevant. In history, many governments have fought wars. For example, Germany and Netherlands; Germany and the UK, France and the UK. Generally, the history of Europe is the history of war. But now there is a history of peace, and borders have become irrelevant. Why are we not learning something from this? So the border problem is only an excuse to stay in power. We must to put the interest the of the people first and foremast
What about the decision of the border commission?
The decision of the commission based in The Hague was wrong as far as I am concerned. Many people say that the decision was binding. So they want to have a law that is not applicable in reality. The decision was made by a commission that has not been to the border. Their decision doesn't therefore lead to peace and stability. It has therefore to be subjected to review and to discussion.
Issayas will find many excuses. Today, it is a border; tomorrow it might be something else. These are techniques of survival which Isayas Afewerkis is using in order to stay in power as long as he can.
The US has done many things to help. But it has partly failed. As an important superpower, it would have put a leverage to bring about change.
Do you think that if the border is demarcated and solved the two countries would normalize their relations?
Normalizing relations between the Ethiopia and Eritrea can only come after Isayas. The position of the Hadush Tesfa Movement is that it is not a border problem. It is an economic problem. Obsession with power is instigated by Isayas to dominate Ethiopia and the rest of the Horn of Africa.
To be honest, it has nothing to do with the border. There are many other courses. Hence, to come to the issue, normalization can only come after Isayas is overthrown.
I appeal to all Ethiopians and Eritreans to be more sensible, more far-sighted and more visionary so that we can live in peace and prosperity. After all, we have many common problems and we have to overcome them through unity.
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