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The governor and friends added an exclamation point to their call. They let Dann know that if he didn't depart, Democrats in the House would "immediately introduce a resolution seeking your impeachment."
The trouble is, Democrats hadn't given much thought to the details of impeachment, let alone the precedent that would be set. When Dann chose to stay put, hoping to survive a scandal involving charges of sexual harassment and other misdeeds in his office, the Strickland crowd appeared to look around and then ask: Now what?
That's when Husted and Harris entered the picture. The House speaker and Senate president command Republican majorities. They've called for Dann to exit the scene. They also must conduct impeachment proceedings, the House issuing the bill of indictment, the Senate staging the trial.
No doubt Husted and Harris hardly would be heartbroken to see the Dann scandal linger through the summer and into the fall. All the better in seeking to hold the Ohio House and the presidency. (Which explains the Democratic wish for Dann to vanish -- yesterday.)
Neither party benefits from the impeachment process turning into a fiasco from the start, a distinct possibility in view of the state last taking this route in the early 1800s.
Thus, Husted and Harris solved a problem at the end of the week: Who would handle the investigation that would provide a credible basis for impeachment articles? No sense relying on Dann's internal investigation. The state inspector general? The office doesn't have the authority to examine the doings of the attorney general.
Soon it will. Husted and Harris proposed legislation that would expand the inspector general's reach to deal with this matter. A better step (likely to come) would make such an expansion permanent. The Dann scandal has proved helpful in one way, revealing a shortcoming in state oversight, the inspector general empowered to investigate the many agencies and departments under the governor -- but not other statewide elected offices.
For Husted, in particular, this episode in lending a helping hand has been part of a pattern, Dann and all shedding further light on what has become an effective and enduring partnership at the Statehouse. The speaker and the governor differ in style and priorities. They have sparred sharply. They also share an increasingly rare trait, an ability to bridge differences, to get things done.
Part of the dynamic stems from state government. The business of the Statehouse is less forgiving than Capitol Hill. Budget deficits aren't allowed. At a certain point, the electricity industry must be restructured. Colleges and universities no longer can be neglected.
That isn't to say all problems are addressed. Hardly. Look at the inefficient, inequitable and inadequate system of paying for public schools, not to mention the sputtering economy. Yet compare the combination of Strickland and Husted to the dysfunctional duo of Bob Taft and Larry Householder (who belonged to the same party).
Husted struggled early to find his rhythm. Strickland rattled him (appropriately) with a bold veto. The speaker stumbled in taunting the governor about his campaign pledge to overhaul school funding. Then, the smart choice: Let's make progress, if not in dramatic fashion, then at least by pushing the state distinctly forward.
Strickland and Husted combined to make the chancellor of the Board of Regents an appointee of the governor, Eric Fingerhut now bringing focus, drive and commitment to improving higher education. If the governor devised the tuition freeze, Husted launched the effort to bring additional resources to colleges and universities (Bill Harris further aiding the cause).
More recently, the pattern has achieved greater definition. The governor sets the broad direction. The speaker adds essential detail.
Consider the Building Ohio Jobs proposal unveiled by Strickland in the State of the State address in February. The House and Senate improved the plan, borrowing less money yet preserving the substantial investment in public works, research and education.
Look at the outcome of the battle over electricity restructuring. Many wags at the Statehouse have portrayed Husted as something of a loser in the fight. Yet, again, Strickland drew the broad picture, and the speaker supplied enhanced elements, striking a better balance between the market option and traditional regulation, delivering a renewable energy portfolio with the benchmarks and penalties required to attract investment.
Follow the sequence on the pending legislation to regulate payday loan operations. Husted signaled his intention to place a stiff limit on interest charges. Strickland added his voice to the effort. Husted strengthened the cap.
The desire isn't to see Jon and Ted the buddy movie. The theater of political life requires outbursts, threats, hyperbole and bluffs. The challenge is: Now what?
Ohio has big problems (one of the least involving the fate of the hypocrisy-drenched Marc Dann). How about a looming structural budget deficit of $2 billion? One heartening thing has been the evolving rivalry between the speaker and the governor, intense and surprisingly productive. They come from different directions. They know how to get to the same place.
Douglas is the Beacon Journal editorial page editor. He can be reached at 330-996-3514, or emailed at mdouglas@thebeaconjournal.com.
To see more of the Akron Beacon Journal, or to subscribe to the newspaper, go to http://www.ohio.com. Copyright (c) 2008, The Akron Beacon Journal, Ohio Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Information Services. For reprints, email tmsreprints@permissionsgroup.com, call 800-374-7985 or 847-635-6550, send a fax to 847-635-6968, or write to The Permissions Group Inc., 1247 Milwaukee Ave., Suite 303, Glenview, IL 60025, USA.
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